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❶Artistic interventions on both sides of Nicosia.

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Capitalising on hospitality practices rooted in the history of the country Greece welcomed displaced population after the fall of the Ottoman Empire and from the Republic of Turkey between and , families in Kilkis opened their doors to refugees.

Nevertheless, despite its successful outcomes, some questions arose. What is the long-term sustainability of a pilot project if it remains an isolated case within an atomised landscape of accommodation practices? How could the Kilkis project be scaled up at country level, and what is the potential applicability in cities such as Athens or Thessaloniki that present a completely different social fabric?

Trained as architect, she works between Italy, Portugal and France. Recently, her research interest focus on migration studies, reception practices and the relationship between society and space. The report was launched in London in March ; an event in New Zealand, host to a small Somali community, followed in April. This election marked the fourth time the DPU had observed in Somaliland since , but the first in the leadership role, alongside UCL Consultants as project managers.

With the election repeatedly delayed since partly by devastating drought in the Horn , short notice posed organisational challenges. In fact, findings at the time, and in the final report, are far more nuanced. As the title suggests, the stakes were high for Somaliland too.

An incumbent president was stepping down, sharpening the contest between the ruling Kulmiye party and the two opposition parties in an executive-dominated system. Hopes were that the peaceful transition of power following the presidential election would not be a hard act to follow, and that a pioneering new biometric voter registration system its implementation also observed by DPU would lay to rest problems that had undermined the district and council elections.

So it was with some relief that the three-week campaign and polling day itself went relatively well. True, the boisterous campaign saw outbreaks of that political must-have, fake news, alongside clanism, character assassination and isolated violence in the second week—but to loud disapproval from the electorate.

There were notable firsts—the first-ever televised presidential debate in Somaliland, and the first participation in an election of some of the disputed eastern regions allowing the mission to travel further eastwards than for past observations. Sadly, the peace was not to last. Delays in counting votes saw wildly conflicting rumours of results circulate freely, alongside claims and rumours of electoral malpractice in favour of Kulmiye.

With tempers running high, there was sporadic violence, and several deaths, before the candidate for Waddani, the main opposition, agreed to accept the results without endorsing them for the sake of Somaliland. Despite the deeply disappointing aftermath, the mission stands by its findings—of a well-organised election, albeit with many issues needing fixing, addressed in a long list of recommendations.

Further, the irregularities observed were deemed not of sufficient scale to have impacted the final result. Mainly because Somaliland has been here before. On its long journey since declaring independence from Somalia in , Somaliland has, in building its own democratic model—a process far from conflict-free —relied time and again on customary dispute-resolution mechanisms to pull a tense situation back from the brink.

This suggests over-reliance on the customary systems that have taken Somaliland so far. And, side by side with a regrettable entrenchment of clanism in politics, the stakes are increasing. Deals with the United Arab Emirates around the port of Berbera mean real wealth is at stake, and put Somaliland at the centre of a complicated mosaic of regional power politics. While the presidential election has been put to bed, the political and clan-based divisions remain. And a long-delayed parliamentary election, scheduled for March and sure to be a far more complicated contest than the relatively straightforward presidential one, is fast approaching.

If, and when, that poll goes ahead, the DPU hopes to again be part of an observation mission, to a successful poll. He has been working in Somaliland since , and has now observed four elections there. Africa , election , Horn of Africa , parliamentary election , participation , politics , somaliland. In the early hours of Wednesday, 25 April , the residents of Kola Tree in Cockle Bay were awakened to the shouts of fire.

The blaze took place in the informal settlement located in the Western coast of Freetown and affected 97 people. Although there were no casualties reported, rampant loss of property, possessions and livelihoods were claimed by the incident. A crowd of residents were still dealing with the aftermath of the fire over the rubbles of their corrugated metal sheet homes.

Despite all effort to mitigate damages, the flames had been eventually extinguished by burying them under the collapsing building structures. It was soon established that the Cockle Bay community was left on its own to undertake responsive actions. There were minimal external interventions save for the fire brigade who attempted to extinguish the fire alongside the residents. While the source of the fire was yet to be determined, the rapid assessment conducted by partners on the ground speculated the possibility of an electrical fault.

The Office of National Security ONS responded hours after the event and is reportedly conducting a more detailed assessment to identify the origin of the fire. DPU team supporting the enumeration of those affected by fire in Cockle Bay. The absence of external support during small-scale disasters is not unusual for informal settlements. In most circumstances, external actors such as governmental institutions and non-governmental organisations have to conserve their limited resources.

Consequently, they can only respond to severe incidents. Minor disasters such as that in Cockle Bay accordingly tend to be overlooked and underreported. Moreover, dismal planning characterised by limited road access and dispersed and insufficient water sources also hinder evacuation and relief efforts and exacerbate the everyday risks facing local communities.

Moreover, although preliminary relief is given to the victims of disasters, this is often insufficient to ensure that those affected can recover from such events, let alone to escape risk accumulation and poverty cycles. It is estimated that about fires outbreaks affected those living in informal settlements in Freetown between to Di Marino et al, Fires are only one of the multiple hazards facing poor and impoverished women and men in the city on a regular basis.

Other hazards include floods, mudslides, landslides, waterborne diseases, and occupational hazards, amongst others. Each of these disasters, small and large-scale, disproportionately impact the urban poor — destroying their housing, disrupting their education and in some case, even terminating their sources of livelihood. The fire outbreak in Cockle Bay brings to light the broader issue of prolonged systematic oversight of informal settlements and the invisibility of certain segments of the city population, such as tenants.

As the fire was confined to a mere 8 compounds within a small area of about m 2 , initial estimates speculated that about 20 people had being affected. However, the enumeration process conducted by the team in collaboration with local residents revealed that it was in fact a total of 97 people, a third of whom were children.

This yields an abrupt indication of how vulnerable groups such as tenants and the youth in households are often inadvertently not accounted for, leaving them virtually invisible by the community themselves in times of disasters. Lacking the means to enter the housing and land markets elsewhere in the city, many women in men are forced to reside in informal settlements like Cockle Bay. Therefore, these areas have experienced consistent densification and land reclamation over the years, particularly since the Civil War.

Aside from high housing densities, most informal settlements also face scarce provision of basic services.

Communities are forced to utilise improvised infrastructures, causing overloading of electrical points. In the area affected by the blaze, all 34 families relied on two metered connections for electricity. Some might posit that informal settlements are hazards in themselves and ought to be eradicated. Moreover, their residents perform jobs that support the daily functioning of Freetown; quietly they run the city. Events like the fire in Cockle Bay remind us of the need to stop blaming the victims and victimising the poor, the need to acknowledge that they live at risk not as an exception but as a common reality, the need to seek pathways for more inclusive urbanisation beyond risk.

The initiative aimed at fostering the reflexivity of students and staff towards the identification of knowledge needs and pedagogical challenges. The workshop exposed the participants to low income communities, their technologies, practices and agency. Urban challenges such as rapid informal urbanisation and the reproduction of spatial injustice have to be investigated and tackled by embracing a new and radical mode of practice.

If challenges are utterly complex, is the old-fashion market-driven technical-based knowledge sufficient? Architecture and urban design should be seen as a series of processes that engage with political and social realities. What type of spatio-political knowledge is required within a studio then? Anyone can be an architect. Whose creativity counts then? This calls upon re-questioning the role of the expert and the way in which discourses of expertise are constituted in particular contexts.

Initially involved in separate activities, staff and students ended up together in a conclusive participatory reflection on the role of the of the knowledge in architectural and urban design practice. Watson, Odendaal, Duminy et a. Indeed, architectural knowledge is situated, as it emerges from particular contexts of application, with and within their own theoretical frameworks, methods of research and practice. And architectural knowledge is relational, as knowledge production and learning are necessarily defined within relative positions, in conversation with existing discourses, material processes and the socially constructed and mediated structures of power.

It is through unpacking these relational dimensions that we make sense of urban objects and processes, and identify opportunities for positive transformation. Finally, architectural knowledge is reflexive, especially with regard to the role and position of architects working within people-centred processes. It calls for a constant reflection upon and reinvention of the self and the other. Situated, relational and reflexive, three pedagogical challenges that foster a constitutive role for architectural knowledge in addressing spatial injustice.

People-centred design workshop — Supitcha Tovivich lecturing on What creativity counts. Far from being a narcissistic reflection on the disciplinary and professional role, the three-day activity enabled the encounter between pedagogical needs — shaped by new urban challenges, competences and methods. Delving into what it takes to make an architect, the training proved that education can be changed in a participatory way — meeting the needs of the students, a demand-led approach to curriculum change.

Filed under Urban Transformations. In this series of two blogs, Bethania Soriano and Sharon Ayalon -participants of the workshop- reflect on subjective realities, developmental disparities, and regeneration processes in divided Nicosia. Part 1 can be viewed here. The SummerLab provided the opportunity to challenge preconceived notions of the oversimplified reality that centres around a dichotomised conflict pitting Greek-Cypriot against Turkish-Cypriot.

By engaging with the materiality of the city and its social networks, we attempted to uncover nuances and complexities in a context of deep-seated division, territorial and politico-ideological contestation. Thus, we conducted fieldwork, collecting different perceptions on belonging and uncovering particularly situated narratives.

The stele almost certainly did not originate in the town of Rashid Rosetta where it was found, but more likely came from a temple site farther inland, possibly the royal town of Sais.

Later it was incorporated in the foundations of a fortress constructed by the Mameluke Sultan Qaitbay c. Two other inscriptions containing the same Memphis decree have been found since the discovery of the Rosetta Stone: Unlike the Rosetta Stone, the hieroglyphic texts of these other copies of the decree were relatively intact.

The Rosetta Stone had been deciphered long before they were found, but later Egyptologists, including Wallis Budge , used these other copies to refine the reconstruction of the hieroglyphs that must have been used in the lost portions of the hieroglyphic text on the Rosetta Stone.

A corps of technical experts savants , known as the Commission des Sciences et des Arts , accompanied the French expeditionary army to Egypt. Bouchard, meanwhile, transported the stone to Cairo for examination by scholars.

Napoleon himself inspected what had already begun to be called la Pierre de Rosette , the Rosetta Stone, shortly before his return to France in August The anonymous reporter expressed a hope that the stone might one day be the key to deciphering hieroglyphs. One of these experts was Jean-Joseph Marcel , a printer and gifted linguist, who is credited as the first to recognise that the middle text was written in the Egyptian Demotic script, rarely used for stone inscriptions and seldom seen by scholars at that time, rather than Syriac as had originally been thought.

The prints that resulted were taken to Paris by General Charles Dugua. Scholars in Europe were now able to see the inscriptions and attempt to read them. In March , the British landed at Aboukir Bay. Menou was now in command of the French expedition.

His troops, including the Commission, marched north towards the Mediterranean coast to meet the enemy, transporting the stone along with many other antiquities.

He was defeated in battle, and the remnant of his army retreated to Alexandria where they were surrounded and besieged, the stone now inside the city.

Menou surrendered on August After the surrender, a dispute arose over the fate of the French archaeological and scientific discoveries in Egypt, including the artefacts, biological specimens, notes, plans, and drawings collected by the members of the commission. Menou refused to hand them over, claiming that they belonged to the Institute.

Scholars Edward Daniel Clarke and William Richard Hamilton , newly arrived from England, agreed to examine the collections in Alexandria and claimed to have found many artefacts that the French had not revealed. In a letter home, Clarke said that "we found much more in their possession than was represented or imagined". Eventually an agreement was reached, and the transfer of the objects was incorporated into the Capitulation of Alexandria signed by representatives of the British , French , and Ottoman forces.

It is not clear exactly how the stone was transferred into British hands, as contemporary accounts differ. Colonel Tomkyns Hilgrove Turner was to escort it to England, but he claimed later that he had personally seized it from Menou and carried it away on a gun-carriage.

According to Clarke, their informant feared that the stone might be stolen if French soldiers saw it. Hutchinson was informed at once and the stone was taken away—possibly by Turner and his gun-carriage. It was first seen and discussed there at a meeting on March 11, In the Society created four plaster casts of the inscriptions, which were given to the universities of Oxford , Cambridge , and Edinburgh and to Trinity College Dublin.

Soon afterwards, prints of the inscriptions were made and circulated to European scholars. The stone has been exhibited almost continuously in the British Museum since June The Rosetta Stone was transferred to the sculpture gallery in shortly after Montagu House was demolished and replaced by the building that now houses the British Museum.

The Rosetta Stone was originally displayed at a slight angle from the horizontal, and rested within a metal cradle that was made for it, which involved shaving off very small portions of its sides to ensure that the cradle fitted securely.

The museum was concerned about heavy bombing in London towards the end of the First World War in , and the Rosetta Stone was moved to safety, along with other portable objects of value. Prior to the discovery of the Rosetta Stone and its eventual decipherment, the ancient Egyptian language and script had not been understood since shortly before the fall of the Roman Empire. The usage of the hieroglyphic script had become increasingly specialised even in the later Pharaonic period ; by the 4th century AD, few Egyptians were capable of reading them.

Hieroglyphs retained their pictorial appearance, and classical authors emphasised this aspect, in sharp contrast to the Greek and Roman alphabets. In the 5th century , the priest Horapollo wrote Hieroglyphica , an explanation of almost glyphs.

His work was believed to be authoritative, yet it was misleading in many ways, and this and other works were a lasting impediment to the understanding of Egyptian writing. Dhul-Nun al-Misri and Ibn Wahshiyya were the first historians to study hieroglyphs, by comparing them to the contemporary Coptic language used by Coptic priests in their time. The Greek text on the Rosetta Stone provided the starting point.

Ancient Greek was widely known to scholars, but they were not familiar with details of its use in the Hellenistic period as a government language in Ptolemaic Egypt; large-scale discoveries of Greek papyri were a long way in the future. Thus, the earliest translations of the Greek text of the stone show the translators still struggling with the historical context and with administrative and religious jargon.

Stephen Weston verbally presented an English translation of the Greek text at a Society of Antiquaries meeting in April Meanwhile, two of the lithographic copies made in Egypt had reached the Institut de France in Paris in Ameilhon produced the first published translations of the Greek text in , in both Latin and French to ensure that they would circulate widely.

He produced a skilful suggested reconstruction, which was soon being circulated by the Society of Antiquaries alongside its prints of the inscription. He called it "cursive Coptic" because he was convinced that it was used to record some form of the Coptic language the direct descendant of Ancient Egyptian , although it had few similarities with the later Coptic script.

He realised that the middle text was in this same script. They attempted to identify the points where Greek names ought to occur within this unknown text, by comparing it with the Greek. Silvestre de Sacy eventually gave up work on the stone, but he was to make another contribution.

Thus, when Thomas Young , foreign secretary of the Royal Society of London , wrote to him about the stone in , Silvestre de Sacy suggested in reply that in attempting to read the hieroglyphic text, Young might look for cartouches that ought to contain Greek names and try to identify phonetic characters in them.

Young did so, with two results that together paved the way for the final decipherment. He also noticed that these characters resembled the equivalent ones in the Demotic script, and went on to note as many as 80 similarities between the hieroglyphic and Demotic texts on the stone, an important discovery because the two scripts were previously thought to be entirely different from one another.

This led him to deduce correctly that the Demotic script was only partly phonetic, also consisting of ideographic characters imitated from hieroglyphs.

Champollion saw copies of the brief hieroglyphic and Greek inscriptions of the Philae obelisk in , on which William John Bankes had tentatively noted the names "Ptolemaios" and "Kleopatra" in both languages.

These far older hieroglyphic inscriptions had been copied by Bankes and sent to Champollion by Jean-Nicolas Huyot. Work on the stone now focused on fuller understanding of the texts and their contexts by comparing the three versions with one another. Champollion in return promised an analysis of all the points at which the three texts seemed to differ. Whether one of the three texts was the standard version, from which the other two were originally translated, is a question that has remained controversial.

Meanwhile, Housman pursued his classical studies independently, and published scholarly articles on such authors as Horace , Propertius , Ovid , Aeschylus , Euripides and Sophocles. When asked later why he had stopped writing about Greek verse, he responded, "I found that I could not attain to excellence in both. He also edited works by Juvenal and Lucan Many colleagues were unnerved by his scathing attacks on those he thought guilty of shoddy scholarship.

His younger colleague A. Gow quoted examples of these attacks, noting that they "were often savage in the extreme". According to Gow, Housman when teaching at University College London where, unlike Cambridge, he had students of both sexes could never remember the names of his female students, maintaining that "had he burdened his memory by the distinction between Miss Jones and Miss Robinson, he might have forgotten that between the second and fourth declension".

In his private life Housman enjoyed gastronomy , flying in aeroplanes and making frequent visits to France, where he read "books which were banned in Britain as pornographic". Benson , a fellow don, as being "descended from a long line of maiden aunts". He did not speak in public about his poems until , when he gave a lecture "The Name and Nature of Poetry", arguing there that poetry should appeal to emotions rather than to the intellect. Housman died, aged 77, in Cambridge. Loveliest of trees, the cherry now Loveliest of trees, the cherry now Is hung with bloom along the bough, And stands about the woodland ride Wearing white for Eastertide.

Now, of my threescore years and ten, Twenty will not come again, And take from seventy springs a score, It only leaves me fifty more. And since to look at things in bloom Fifty springs are little room, About the woodlands I will go To see the cherry hung with snow. During his years in London, A. Housman completed A Shropshire Lad , a cycle of 63 poems. After one publisher had turned it down, he helped subsidise its publication in At first selling slowly, it rapidly became a lasting success.

Its appeal to English musicians had helped to make it widely known before World War I , when its themes struck a powerful chord with English readers. The book has been in print continuously since May The poems are marked by pessimism and preoccupation with death, without religious consolation.

Housman began writing a new set of poems after the First World War. He was an influence on many British poets who became famous by their writing about the war, and wrote several poems as occasional verse to commemorate the war dead. Fighting a well-equipped and much larger German army, they suffered heavy losses. In the early s, when Moses Jackson was dying in Canada, Housman wanted to assemble his best unpublished poems so that Jackson could read them before his death.

He published them as Last Poems , feeling that his inspiration was exhausted and that he should not publish more in his lifetime.

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